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3 septembre 2020
- handle: 10670/1.wo2qm6
- hal: hal-03704172
- doi: 10.18148/sub/2021.v25i0.957
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Mots-clés
zero-change construals causative verbs perfective cardinality adverbial gradability agentivity inner vs. outer aspect event culmination Mandarin ChineseSujets proches
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Fabienne Martin et al., « Why one can kill Rasputin twice in Mandarin », HAL-SHS : linguistique, ID : 10.18148/sub/2021.v25i0.957
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Mandarin Chinese allows so-called zero-change (failed-attempt) construals of causative monomorphemic verbs when the subject refers to an agent. However, while for nongradable causative simple verbs, this reading is generally available only when the verb is modified by a cardinality adverbial (e.g., liǎng cì 'twice'), with gradable causative simple verbs, the zero-change reading is readily available even in the absence of a cardinality adverbial, though the presence of such an adverbial does indeed facilitate it. We account for this puzzle by arguing that the source of non-culmination differs for gradable vs. non-gradable causative simple verbs: it lies in the partitive semantics of perfective le for non-gradable causative verbs, and/or the degree argument tracking the degree of event realization for gradable causative verbs.