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1 janvier 2023
- ISIDORE Id: 10670/1.457b11...
- hal: hal-03927470
- doi: 10.5129/001041523X16570701392481
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info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.5129/001041523X16570701392481
http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc/ , info:eu-repo/semantics/OpenAccess
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Secondary education Faculty (Education) Instructors Military strategy Social science Sciences, Social Human sciences Social studies Behavioral sciences Natural science Sciences Science of science Service of process Service of papers Abuse of process Process Electoral politics Political behavior Politics Mass political behavior Practical politics Political thought Government Political theory Civil government Commonwealth, The Science, Political Administration Politics Bourgeoisie Commons (Social order) Middle class--Social conditions Middle classes Article Education--Government policy Educational policy Education policy State and education Secondary education Children--Education (Secondary) Secondary schools High school students--Education High school education Students--Education Children--Education Education of children Schooling Pedagogy Youth--Education Instruction Education, Primitive Human resource development Structures Edifices Halls Politics and suffrage Government and politics Politics Political historyCiter ce document
Anja Giudici et al., « Center-Right Parties and Post-War Secondary Education », HAL SHS (Sciences de l’Homme et de la Société), ID : 10.5129/001041523X16570701392481
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The massification of secondary schooling constitutes the key educational project of the first post-war period. However, the resulting educational structures differed in terms of streaming and standardization. Despite their historical opposition to such expansion, center-right parties contributed to shaping these reforms. They generally opposed standardization because their distributive strategy rested on support from elites and middle classes. However, their stance on streaming varied. Centre-right parties supported streaming when they were linked to teachers and private providers who opposed comprehensive reforms, but supported de-streaming where such groups aligned with the left. This article shows how center-right parties in Bavaria, France, and Italy, with common partisan distributive aims, introduced varied public service reforms following from their links to different vested producers. It argues that theorizing such reforms requires considering both distributive and productive environments.
