La diffusion du suffixe -(ι)άδ- dans le système dérivationnel des anthroponymes féminins

Résumé En

In this paper I discuss the diffusion of the suffix ‑(ι)άδ‑ in the derivational system of feminine personal names in Ancient Greek. The analysis of the data shows that ‑(ι)άδ‑ only became important in this domain of the lexicon from the 5th c. BC and that it gradually became a productive suffix. The differences attested from one region to another of the Hellenic world do not seem important from a diffusional perspective. Real nicknames like Δορκάς “Roe Deer” were popular during all the period investigated, but their role in the spreading of the suffix does not seem to be fundamental. Instead, the expansion of ‑(ι)άδ‑ was triggered by the variation of feminine ethnics like Τρωΐα/Τρωΐη vs Τρωιάς “from Troy”, a derivational phenomenon that can be traced back perhaps to the Mycenaean period. Although the exact details of the development are hard to assess, ‑(ι)άδ‑ arguably spread thanks to pairs of personal names where a masculine pseudo-patronymic, like Σαμιάδας/Σαμιάδης, corresponds to a feminine pseudo-ethnic, like Σαμιάς. As a result, the suffix easily integrates with other systems of personal names: theophoric (masculine Ἀσκληπιάδης vs feminine Ἀσκληπιάς), abbreviated names from compounds (masculine Νικιάδης vs feminine Νικιάς) and derivational by-forms of nicknames (masculine Ἀλεξιάδας vs feminine Ἀλεξιάς). The suffix reaches eventually a certain extension and alternates with other more widespread suffixes among feminine personal names, like ‑ώ or ‑ίδ‑ (Τιμώ, Τιμίς, Τιμάς). Additionally, ‑(ι)άδ‑ easily replaces the endings ‑α and ‑η since Homer, but this derivational operation will only become really productive in Roman times.