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info:eu-repo/semantics/altIdentifier/doi/10.1007/s11049-014-9231-2
Hamida Demirdache et al., « Aspect & Temporal Anaphora », HAL-SHS : linguistique, ID : 10.1007/s11049-014-9231-2
We extend the parallels established in the literature between tenses and pronouns to aspect on the basis of three simple assumptions. (i) Aspect, just like Tense, serves to order time intervals (Klein 1995). (ii) Anaphora can also serve to order time intervals. (iii) Just like anaphora between individual-denoting DPs can be resolved via either (variable) binding or coreference (with binding the default construal, Reinhart 1997), anaphora in the temporal realm (that is, between time-denoting DPs) can also be construed as binding or coreference—the null assumption on a referential approach to temporal phenomena. The claim is that when temporal anaphora between the time of the eventuality and the reference time is resolved via binding, the resulting aspectual viewpoint is imperfective, while when it is resolved via coreference, the resulting viewpoint is perfective. We show how this proposal nicely derives the range of temporal construals that non-root imperfective past modals in Spanish/French allow, in contrast to perfective past modals. While imperfective modals allow both past and present perspective epistemic construals, perfective modals only allow present perspective epistemic construals, and while past imperfective modals allow modification by a (deictic) future time adverb on their metaphysical construal, past perfective modals do not.