Critical perspectives on marriage and unions in DHS surveys in Kenya and Uganda

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30 novembre 2021

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info:eu-repo/semantics/openAccess , http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-sa/




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Valérie Golaz, « Critical perspectives on marriage and unions in DHS surveys in Kenya and Uganda », Archined : l'archive ouverte de l'INED, ID : 10670/1.b53rc0


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In most societies, it is through marriage that families access alliance and filiation. Marriage is a major step in life, for both men and women, and it is also the institution that enables family systems to perpetuate. However, there are striking differences in the way societies are structured. In East Africa, patrilinearity dominates the scene. Inheritance rights are conveyed to the next generation more or less exclusively through marriage and fertility. For instance, among the Gusii or the Kikuyu, it is first and foremost through marriage that wealth is transmitted to children. Marriage formalisation is a process that often takes time, from the first negociations around bridewealth to the full recognition of the married couple and their children. As bridewealth tends to increase with time, education and employment, it is discussed later and later in life inspite of this being a key step in a couple’s life. Yet, in other patrilineal societies, the transmission of wealth doesn’t necessarily involve marriage. If marriage remains at stake for every member of the society, in terms of status and recognition, it is not as vital economically. This is for instance the case in Buganda, where bridewealth is more symbolic and children born out of wedlock can actually inherit from their fathers. This paper is based on a comparative analysis of Demographic and Health Surveys in Kenya and Uganda, regarding union and marriage statuses. Although Demographic and Health Surveys are harmonised surveys the samples and the questions asked about marital status differ slightly over time and country. The results show striking differences in the proportions married and their trends between Kenya and Uganda. Do these differences come from the way the questions are asked? the way they are understood? What does it imply in terms of data collection or interviewee declarations ? Are these figures the results of normative gaps between Uganda and Kenya? IIs there a marriage crisis in Uganda? The goal of this paper is to systematically raise such questions and bring elements of answers through a systematic confrontation of results with survey questionnaires and manuals and litterature.

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